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The House is gone. But the campaign is on.
“We’re going to have a lot to talk about during this break,” said House Majority Leader Steve Scalise, R-La. “The contrast on the ballot this November between communism and freedom.”
School is out for the summer in the House until August 31. But Republicans envision a version of summer school for the voters. They intend to educate people about Democratic candidates who are veering to the left.
“The reality is that the communist caucus, the commie caucus is coming to Congress,” claimed Rep. Nicole Malliotakis, R-N.Y.
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Republicans hope to cling to their narrow House majority by distinguishing themselves from Democrats – and noting how Democrats tapped far-left candidates in New York City and even Colorado. These “Democratic Socialists of America” candidates will undoubtedly prevail in their districts. But Republicans believe that left-wing Democrats freak out independents and mainstream Democrats. The GOP is banking on that as an insurance policy to maintain control of the House.
House Republicans also enjoyed some relative success last week for the first time in months. The GOP advanced a host of bills important to them. And, simultaneously got Democrats on the record about bills which Republicans think they can boomerang against their adversaries this fall.
“They have to answer for why they voted against funding our troops, against funding the government, against common sense policies like voter ID and proof of citizenship,” said House Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La.
The House approved a plan barring stock trades by Members, 232-198. Only 13 Democrats voted yes compared to all Republicans. But the GOP tacked on a voter ID mandate. Democrats argue that provision transformed a once bipartisan issue into a GOP political wedge.
“I proudly voted no because we are not going to sabotage mail-in voting in this country. And we’re not going to fall for that kind of bait-and-switch tactic here,” fumed Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-N.Y.
Democrats have long campaigned on affordability.
“Today, prices are up over 25 cents a gallon above $4 a gallon in my region,” said Rep. Mary Gay Scanlon, D-Pa.
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President Donald Trump has now paused the air campaign against Iran after two weeks of consecutive bombing. But the war in Iran presents Democrats with a political opening.
“Will Democrats recalibrate their message on Iran? Will we see ads on Iran going into the midterms?” yours truly asked House Minority Leader Jeffries, D-N.Y.
“We don’t have to recalibrate our message. We’ve been opposed to Donald Trump’s reckless and costly war of choice in the Middle East from the very beginning,” replied Jeffries.
There was a split decision on Capitol Hill last week. The House voted to shackle the president on Iran war powers. Four Republicans defected and sided with Democrats.
“He ran on no new wars,” said Rep. Becca Balint, D-Vt. “He’s making the case for us. He hit voters over and over and over with this promise. And then he did the exact opposite.”
Still, the president’s allies claimed that the vote undercuts American forces in harm’s way.
“To belittle this mission is to belittle and demean the very service these members who gave their lives,” said House Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman Brian Mast, R-Fla.
A couple of hours later, the Senate rejected the House’s rebuke of the President.
“I think Democrats have taken that tack from the start,” said Sen. John Hoeven, R-N.D., of the Democrats hoping to cut off the Iran operation.
“It wouldn’t have passed if it wasn’t for Republicans in the House,” yours truly pointed out.
“A few Republicans,” conceded Hoeven. “But I think there’s strong support in our party (for the President).”
That’s ultimately why the Senate defeated its Iran measure. Some GOPers argued that the U.S. has Iran on the ropes.
“Last time I checked, we’ve wiped these b——s out. An occasional missile strike and boats in the Strait (of Hormuz). That’s not military strength. Those are the flailings of a failing empire,” declared Sen. Tim Sheehy, R-Mont.
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But Senate Democrats chided Republicans for not intervening in the conflict.
“Every time Republicans oppose our war powers resolution and vote against ending this war, they lose the faith of the American people,” said Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y. “Senate Republicans need to wake up. Not next week. Not next month. Now.”
Top Congressional GOP leaders say it’s not necessary for Congress to flex its war powers muscles.
“I don’t think an AUMF (authorization for use of military force) is in order right now. I think we need to bring this to a resolution,” said Johnson.
However, some Republicans demand answers about the endgame.
“I think we need greater clarity there. I think Congress needs to exercise more of its powers here,” said Rep. Chip Roy, R-Texas.
Democrats may believe they have an advantage on Iran. But like Roy, they demand a plan.
“This whiplash policy in Iran is not good,” said Rep. Bennie Thompson, D-Miss., the top Democrat on the Homeland Security Committee. “You can’t run a war at 2:00 in the morning on Twitter.”
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Despite their criticism, Democrats are vague about how they’d go about ending the war.
“We’ve got to figure that out. But Donald Trump got us into this mess,” said Jeffries.
“But won’t voters demand you guys to have a plan if you’re going to win the majority, Mr. Leader?” I asked as Jeffries walked away.
I posed a similar question to Sen. Chris Coons, D-Del., one of the most thoughtful Democrats on foreign policy and national security issues.
“We didn’t start it,” replied Coons.
“But don’t you have to have a plan if you’re going to criticize the president on this?” I asked.
“I wouldn’t have gotten into this war,” said Coons.
The Pentagon is now running short on cash since the defense policy bill is stalled. That’s to say nothing of the budget resolution which could provide $95 billion to the Pentagon. Congressional approval to pay for the war could take months. Perhaps until December. That’s after the election. Democrats may want to see how they fare in the midterms before coughing up money for the military.
Midterm elections are often a referendum on the president.
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In 2006, Democrats flipped the House and Senate by campaigning on ending the unpopular war in Iraq. They had a plan to wind down the conflict. Eighteen years later, Democrats want to run on Iran in this fall’s midterms. But unlike 2006, they don’t seem to have a clear plan on how to end the conflict.
But they know who to blame: President Trump.
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