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On Sunday, voters in Hungary’s parliamentary electionsparliamentary elections ousted Prime Minister Viktor Orban and his Fidesz party, as polls had consistently predicted they would. Orban’s prompt concession suggests a peaceful, democratic transfer of power in the days to come. Most notably, Hungarians appear to have been unswayed by foreign attempts — both real and imagined — to subvert or manipulate their judgment.
This should not come as a surprise to Americans. We, too, bristle at suggestions that anyone but our own lawful citizens ought to have a say in our democratic process. And beyond the extreme margins of our politics, there is little evidence that foreign influence campaigns are very successful in shaping the views of American voters.
America’s own political leaders have traditionally abided by the idea that politics stopped at the water’s edge. They’ve sought to avoid even the appearance of telling other sovereign democracies how to run their internal affairs and resisted the urge to treat foreign policy as an extension of our domestic politics.
I haven’t hesitated to call out departures from these prudent customs, like the increasingly flagrant ways that elected Democrats have sought to insert themselves into the lively democratic politics of Israel. Yet, for the better part of a decade, Hungarian politics has persisted as an object of intense fascination in certain corners of the American right.
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This phenomenon is endlessly puzzling. America’s self-proclaimed national conservatives spoke of Orban’s Hungary as an oasis of traditionalism amid the wasteland of an ailing, liberal and decadent postmodern Europe. And some American politicians appear to have bought into the myth.
To be clear, it is a myth. Orban’s champions on this side of the Atlantic may well consider his illiberal court-packing, crony capitalism or restriction of free speech an acceptable price for their desired social utopia. Yet for all the talk of reviving faith and family through statist intervention, Hungary’s religious participation and birth rates under his rule have declined right alongside the rest of the West.
Clearly, Orban’s fawning servitude to authoritarians doesn’t reflect American values.
Of course, had any of the breathless pronouncements of Hungary’s unique virtue been true, they’d be a reasonable basis for personal affinity … but not for U.S. foreign policy. Shared values can be a useful entrée into deeper cooperation with allies and partners. But to the extent that values have played a central role in successful U.S. foreign policy, it has been in service to, and aligned with, our strategic interests.
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Clearly, Orban’s fawning servitude to authoritarians doesn’t reflect American values. But far more importantly, his government’s fealty to Moscow, its willingness to be a gateway into Europe for China’s predatory machinations, and its deepening ties with Iran run counter to America’s interests.
These allegiances ought to matter a great deal to American conservatives who, quite rightly, expect European allies to carry a greater share of the burden of deterring threats to our shared Western interests.
The Trump administration’s 2025 National Security Strategy observes that America “will need a strong Europe to help us successfully compete” with strategic adversaries. But Europe’s tremendous progress toward greater burden-sharing on defense has come despite Hungary’s defense budget shrinking by 6% last year and Orban’s active opposition to European Union support for Ukraine. While other allies have decreased their reliance on Russian energy, Orban has doubled down on Hungary’s dependence on Russian gas. And in 2024, he struck an “all-weather comprehensive strategic partnership” with America’s foremost strategic adversary, the PRC.
Orban’s Hungary offered America little in the way of strategic alignment, let alone “moral cooperation.” Today, the highest shared value between Americans and the people of Hungary is the right to choose our own leaders, freely and fairly, without foreign or domestic interference.
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Of course, American conservatives who still worry in particular about the social fabric and moral values of Europe’s 19th-largest economy should take heart: The next Hungarian prime minister is unlikely to turn Budapest into a den of iniquity or impose Sharia law. And I have yet to hear him propose opening the country’s borders or sacrificing its sovereignty on the altar of the European Union.
Instead, what seems to have motivated Hungarian voters is a distaste for the crony capitalism and corruption that have weakened Hungary’s economy and the image of its ruling party. Their next prime minister is, after all, a product of that ruling party who campaigned on addressing Hungary’s economic woes rather than just scapegoating them. I suspect Hungary’s voters will, in turn, judge his government on whether he succeeds in doing so.
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Watching this from Kentucky, it is hard to understand how some on the American right thought that staking U.S. influence on the outcome of a parliamentary election in a small, central European country was putting America’s interests first. To the extent that what happens in Hungary matters to America, it is a question of whether its actions on the world stage — not its social policies — align with America’s strategic interests.
The future course of U.S.-Hungary strategic alignment under the new government remains to be seen. But to the extent that Hungary’s next leaders behave with less obeisance toward our adversaries and a more serious focus on our shared interests, Washington may be wise to welcome this change.
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